The story of Jenghiz Khan is a long and complicated one. Years ago, the House of Ice first featured its first look into Jenghiz Khan, and the feature lacked a lot of insight that I hope this article will, in time, accomplish.

Setting for Jenghiz Khan

The Mongolian and Turkic tribes that existed in the twelfth century in the modern-day region of Mongolia had tried to unite themselves before Jenghiz Khan but had remained somewhat unsuccessful. These tribes were nomads, barbarians if you will, that varied in religion, speech, and various other aspects, but for the most part, they fought and lived the same.

According to the Secret History (a book written in about 1240 A.D.) , the Mongol chief Qaidu was the first to try to unite all of Mongolia. He beat his main rival in the Jelair tribe and absorbed many Mongolian and Turkic families and tribes. His grandson Qabul (later known as Qabul-khagan in the Secret History) would even be recognized officially as Qabul-khan by the Chinese government at the time. Depending on which historian you ask, Qabul-khan was either kidnapped by the Chinese and escaped to kill his captors, or his armies simply routed the Kin general Hu-sha-hu between 1135 and 1139 AD. In any case, Qabul-khan's fourth son Qutula-khagan would eventually receive a number of cattle, sheep, and grain from Peking to ensure peace between the Mongols and the Chinese.

Supposedly, two royal Mongol family members were kidnapped by the Tatar tribes (a rival of the Mongol tribes), given to the Kin dynasty of China, and nailed to a wooden donkey - a torture reserved for 'rebel nomads'. Infuriated, the Mongol khan launched an attack on the Kin territory. In response, the Kin made an alliance with the Tatar tribes and annihilated the khan's forces near Bor Nor in 1161.

The royal family was thus beaten, and the first attempt at Mongol unity was thwarted. Jenghiz Khan is supposedly of this same royal Mongolian bloodline. His father Yesugei was the son of Bartan-ba'atur, who was the second son of Qabul-khagan. However, after the royal Mongolian family was defeated Mongolia reverted back to its separate tribes, clans, and subclans.

Yesugei, father of Jenghiz Khan

Yesugei, although of royal blood, would never attain any rank above chieftain of the Kiyat clan, with the modest title of ba'atur or baghatur. He fought against the Tatars, and at one point in time helped one of the Kerayit chieftains, Togrul, triumph over his uncle and rival Gur-khan, an act which would later prove extremely beneficial for Jenghiz Khan.

Yesugei kidnapped Oelun, the young wife of a Markit chief, and married her shortly thereafter. Yesugei and Oelun gave birth to Temujin (Jenghiz Khan) circa 1167 A.D. Before Yesugei was poisoned by the Tatars during a meal in the steppe in 1179, Yesugei betrothed Temujin to the little daughter of a Qongirat chief (for Mongols were exogamous - always marrying outside their tribe).

The Early Life of Temujin

Temujin (AKA Jenghiz Khan) was born on the right bank of the Onon, in the region of Dulun-Boldaq, in what is today Russian territory, at or around the year 1167. From descriptions by the Chinese Chao Hung and the Persian Juzjani, we now know that he grew up to be a tall man, with sturdy build, broad forehead, "cat's eyes", and towards the end of his life, a long beard. From his arduous childhood and hard upbringing, we know that he also had an astonishing vitality and a will of steel.

Temujin would be orphaned at the age of 12 by the poisoning of his father. Despite the energy of his mother Oelun-eke, the last of Yesugei's 'loyal' following would rob the family of all their livestock and provisions, and leave the young family to fend for themselves. Temujin had three brothers - Qasar, Qachi'un, and Temuge and two half-brothers - Bekter and Belgutai (sons of another wife). The family survived by hunting and fishing in the Kentei Mountains (then known as the Burqan Qaldun) by the Onon. Temujin's chieftainship of the Borjigin clan had been seized by a rival clan - Tayichiut, under the brothers Targhutai Kiriltuq and Todoyan-Girte, sons of Ambaqai. They too were of royal blood, traced from the line of the Mongol khan Qaidu who fell in the disastrous battle of 1161.

Meanwhile, the family under Temujin hunted and fished. One day, his half-brother Bekter stole a lark and fish from Temujin, and with the aide of his younger brother Qasar, Temujin shot Bekter dead with arrows. Targhutai Kiriltuq, who believed the family dead, was enraged when he found out about their stubborn survival, and eventually captured Temujin and put him in a cangue. Temujin would escape from captivity with the help of a Suldu chief named Sorqan-shira and his sons Chila'un and Chimbai. After the family's escape, Temujin and his brother began building back their family's fortunes, which were constantly raided by bandit tribes, but regained by Temujin, his brother Qasar (who was said to be unequaled in his skill with the bow), and various alliances with chiefs like Bo'orchu, who would become some of his best friends, and later, his finest generals. After accumulating a handsome wealth of 9 horses and assorted livestock, Temujin approached Dai-Sechen, the Qongirat chief, for his betrothed wife Borte, who had been promised to Temujin since childhood. The Qongirat chief granted the marriage, and gave as her dowry a cloak of black sables. After the marriage, Temujin moved his camp from the river Onon to those of the Kerulen.

Temujin begins building alliances

Around 1175 AD, Temujin approached Togrul, the man his father had helped, with a gift of sables he had acquired through the marriage to Borte. Togrul, remembering the help of Temujin's father, welcomed Temujin and the two became friends. Togrul was Temujin's first powerful ally, although Temujin would clearly be a vassal. Shortly after this meeting, Temujin and his camp were surprised by a Markit raid, and only by leaving his new wife for prisoner could he make his escape. Temujin secured the help of another Mongol chief of his own age named Jamuqa of the Jajirat tribe and Togrul to get his wife back. The three together beat the Markit near the Bu'ura and rescued the captive. Borte was restored to her honored place in the household, and Temujin never examined the question of whether or not their first son Jochi, was in fact his or that of one of the Markit abductors, Chilgerboko. Nevertheless, this unspoken doubt about Jochi's birth may well have been the factor that prevented the head of the 'senior branch' from playing a major part in the affairs of the Jenghiz-Khanite successions.

Meanwhile, Temujin and Jamuqa, although sworn brothers, soon quarreled. Each aimed at restoring the ancient royal house of the Mongols to his own advantage and being recognized as khan. Obviously, both could not attain khan while the other lived, so a year and a half after they became sworn brothers, they parted near the region of Qorqonaq Jubur on the Onon. Temujin would camp in the mountains, and Jamuqa by the river and in the pasture lands. Temujin would soon attract the support of large sections of the steppe aristocracy and horse breeders, while Jamuqa would gather other elements of the aristocracy and the common people and poor herdsmen. More specifically, Temujin was followed by men of the Jelair clan, Kiyat clan, and Ba'arin clan. Temujin also rallied the heirs of the last two Mongol kings to his side, and nobles such as Sacha-baki, the great-grandson of Qabul and chief of the Hurkin clan, and Altan-ochigin, son of Qutula-khagan. Temujin would eventually be elected khan because Altan, the legitimate heir, declined. Altan and Acha-baki were the first to proclaim Temujin khan - or king of the Mongols. As king, Temujin took the name of Chinggis-khan, transformed in our more usual histories to Jenghiz Khan. The exact meaning of this name is still debated by scholars.

Apart from a leader in war and hunting, Jenghiz Khan's election would take on several religious meanings. Some time earlier, the Ba'arin chief Qorchi had declared:

"Heaven (Tangri) has ordained that Temujin should be our khan. This is what the Spirit has revealed to me, and I reveal it to you."

When at the Qorgonaq Jubur, Muqali of the Jelair also reminded Jenghiz Khan of the Qutula, the last Mongol chief to bear the title of khan.

"Since then the Mongols have known bad days and there was no longer a khan among them. But the Eternal Blue Heaven did not forget its people, the family of Qutula. A hero should rise among the Mongols, to be a dreaded khan and avenge their wrongs... Thou shalt be khan, O Temujin, to avenge us of our enemies the Tatars, and thou shalt raise up the glory of the Mongols."

Jenghiz Khan's electors swore him in with the following oath (as reported by the Secret History):

"We have resolved to proclaim thee khan. We will march in the van into battle; if we carry off women and girls, 'twill be to give them to thee. We will be foremost in the hunt; if we catch game, 'twill be to give it to thee."

Although you would think that such an election would have alarmed Togrul, the ruler of the Kerayit, it did not. Jenghiz Khan still claimed vassalage to Togrul, and besides, Togrul and all of Mongolia wanted to see an end to the Tatars. With this in mind, Jenghiz Khan turned to face the collaborators in the fall of the Mongolian royal family.

Jenghiz Khan and the Wang-Khan against the Tatars and the Naiman

Although the Tatars had allied with the Kin to crush the Mongols, the two powers soon broke and the Tatars began attacking the Kin realm. The Tatars were now masters of the Gobi and a power to be reckoned with, and the Kin dynasty began looking for allies against the Tatars. Around 1198, the court of Peking reversed its system of alliances and allied themselves to the Kerayit king Togrul. As his faithful ally, Jenghiz Khan accompanied Togrul into war with happiness in his heart. After all, these Tatars had not only broken the royal family, but had also killed Yesugei, Jenghiz Khan's father. Jenghiz Khan thirsted for revenge.

Trapped between the Kin in the southeast and the Kerayit and Jenghiz Khan in the northwest, the Tatars of Bor Nor were badly beaten. Togrul and Jenghiz Khan's armies advanced along the River Ulja to kill the Tatar chief Megujin se'ultu. The court of Peking rewarded Togrul with the title wang (king or prince), hence the name Wang-khan by which Togrul is known to history. Jenghiz Khan received a modest title, even though he was khan of Mongolia.

After this campaign, Jenghiz Khan executed three high-ranking members of the Mongolian royal family - Sacha-baki, Taichu, and Buri-boko, for not following the Wang-khan into battle. Jenghiz Khan would later claim that he did this in the best interests of the Wang-khan, but getting rid of such powerful princes surely helped his position more than Togrul's. The Wang-khan's position would soon be turned by his own brother Erke-qara, who was supported by Inanch-bilga, king of the Naiman. Togrul's brother dispossessed the Wang-khan of his entire territory, and fleeing southwest to the Kara-Khitai, who refused to help him, Togrul found himself at the feet of Jenghiz Khan, who replenished his numbers and gave him food and shelter. Later on, Jenghiz Khan would be sure to remind Togrul of this in his speech:

"Weakened by hunger, you came on like a dying fire. I gave you sheep, horses, goods. You were thin. Within fifteen days I had fattened you again."

The Wang-khan's elder brother Jagambu had sought asylum in the Kin empire during the trouble, and Jenghiz Khan sent for him with a guard, who successfully fended off an assassination attempt by the Markit. "This was the second service I rendered you." Jenghiz Khan told the Wang-khan.

After regaining his territory with the help of Jenghiz Khan, the two decided on a military pact that would equally share their gains. However, according to Jenghiz Khan's records, Togrul would not keep his end of the deal, despite Jenghiz Khan helping him though a very tough time. According to Jenghiz Khan, Togrul first raided and successfully beat the Markit, capturing much booty and prisoners. However, Jenghiz Khan was not informed of the raids - at least not by Togrul, and Togrul is said to have kept all of the goods and fame, quite contrary to their military treaty. Nevertheless, Jenghiz Khan accompanied the Wang-khan on a surprise attack on the Naiman, after their chief Inanch-bilga had died and the two brother successors quarreled over land division. The assault went very well at first, and the alliance ended up killing one of the brothers, Buyiruq, near Lake Qyzalbash. The following winter saw a sudden counterattack by the Naiman general Koksegu Sabraq, one of Buyiruq's men, forcing the allies to retire. The Wang-khan withdrew from his camp during the night, leaving Jenghiz Khan alone to confront the Naiman, without even telling Jenghiz Khan. Jenghiz Khan managed to extract his army from the perilous situation, and the Naiman laid waste to the Kerayit territory once again. The Wang-khan once more appealed to his ally, and Jenghiz Khan sent his four great warriors: Bo'orchu, Muqali, Boroqul, and Chila'un. The four barely saved the Wang-khan, but saved the Kerayit territory and regained all lost livestock. Qasar, Jenghiz Khan's brother, ended the military campaign with a great victory over the Naiman.

Jenghiz Khan against Mongolia

The series of victories against the Tatars and Naiman, and later the Tayichi'ut - the tribe that usurped Jenghiz Khan's territory when he was a child, had made the rest of the Mongol tribes anxious. A conspiracy soon formed with a single aim, the toppling of Jenghiz Khan and the Kerayit king. After the defeat of the Tayichi'ut, the conspiracy consisted of the Qatakin, the Salji'ut, the Dorben, the Qongirat, and by Tartar remnants. After sacrificing a white stallion, they all swore to take Jenghiz Khan and the Wang-khan by surprise. However, Jenghiz Khan's father-in-law Qongirat Dai-Sechen warned him in time, and Jenghiz Khan crushed their armies near Lake Buyur. Later, he would allude this event to the Wang-khan:

"Like a falcon I flew upon the mountain and crossed Lake Buyur; for you I caught the blue-footed cranes with the ashen plumage, that is, the Dorben and the Tatars; passing then to Lake Kolo, I once more caught blue-footed cranes for you: the Qatakin, the Salji'ut, and the Qongirat."

Officially, the Wang-khan was the most powerful prince in Mongolia, but his power was constantly put in question. He had to overthrow his uncle Gur-khan to receive his kinship, his brother Erke-qara then put him to flight, and after Jenghiz Khan's victories over the armies mentioned above, the Wang-khan was again contested by his older brother Jagambu, who, finding his plots discovered, took refuge with the remnants of the Naiman.

After the defeat of the conspiracy, the enemies of Jenghiz Khan all came out of the woodwork to join his blatant adversary, Jamuqa. Jamuqa now enlisted the help of the Mongol tribes Jajirat, Tayichi'ut, Qongirat, Ikira, Qorla, Dorben, Qatakin, and Salji'ut, and the Turkic tribes Markit, Oirat, Naiman, and the Tatars. At a great assembly held in 1201 at Alquibula'a, on the banks of the Argun, Jamuqa had himself proclaimed gur-khan, or universal khan. By his own hand, he had made himself emperor of Mongolia.

Mongolia was well on its way to becoming a united reality. The question was, which rival would win it? Of the two men, Jenghiz Khan seemed to be the most tenacious, politically sound, convincing, and protecting, whereas Jamuqa is rumored to have plundered his own tribes if he felt necessary. Also, he wasn't as militarily accomplished as Jenghiz Khan, and he didn't have the alliance of the Wang-khan.

The Wang-khan would end up tipping the scales to Jenghiz Khan. He and Jenghiz Khan defeated Jamuqa at Koyitan, in spite of a storm raised by Oirat and naiman magicians, and the allies forced Jamuqa to retreat to the lower Argun. During this campaign, Jenghiz Khan also finished his revenge with the Tayichi'ut, but was repulsed and wounded in the first attack. Jelme, a faithful general, tended to Jenghiz Khan and even sucked the clotted blood from his wound. In the end Jenghiz Khan utterly routed the Tayichi'ut. During this campaign, a young Tayichi'ut brought down Jenghiz Khan's horse with an arrow. Instead of executing him, Jenghiz Khan pardoned him and renamed him Jebe ("Arrow"). Jebe would come to be one of Jenghiz Khan's most trusted and able captains, and together with Subotai, he was to be the most illustrious general in the Mongol epic.

Jenghiz Khan now turned his full wrath on the Tatars for murdering his father. He massacred the Tatars in around 1202, discouraged private looting, and for himself, took two beautiful Tatar women, Yesui and Yesugan. Three Mongol princes - Altan, Quchar, and Daritai, flouted the order to not plunder, but had their booty taken from them. These men soon left Jenghiz Khan and joined his enemies.

Toqto'a, king of the Markit people, took advantage of the defect and renewed his attack on Jenghiz Khan, but was utterly defeated. He took refuge in the combined forces of the Naiman, Dorben, Tatar, Qatakin, and Salji'ut remnants. This new coalition supposedly summoned Naiman priests to conjure blizzards to slow the Wang-khan and Jenghiz Khan's progress through the mountains.

You may be wondering how these tribes could be defeated, yet continue to strive, or ally and yet the next year be completely separate forces. Well, the Mongols were an extremely flexible, nomadic people who lived in felt or woolen tents known as gur and travelled to and fro all over Mongolia, depending on the season and weather. Their battles were not the typical European stand and shoot affairs, and were conducted almost entirely on horseback in guerrilla warfare tactics. The battles were swift, and the losses were usually not bad enough to wipe out a whole tribe. Thus, a battle that saw the routing of a tribe, might see them only lose minimal amounts of troops. Jenghiz Khan was able to excel in this type of warfare, and while his enemies would break apart at season changes, he always managed to keep his alliances together, and thus, almost always had a powerful camp on hand.

Jenghiz Khan against the Wang-khan

It was at about this time that Jenghiz Khan came to the Wang-khan and asked for the hand of the princess Cha'ur-baki for his son Jochi. The Wang-khan's refusal deeply wounded Jenghiz Khan. Seeing the division, the Wang-khan's son Ilqa or Nilqa advised his father to support Jamuqa against Jenghiz Khan. Jamuqa and the son worked together to get an audience with the Wang-khan at which Jamuqa accused Jenghiz Khan of treachery.

"I am the lark living ever in the same place in the good season and the bad. Jenghiz Khan is the wild goose which in winter flies away."

Meanwhile, Altan, who had never ceased kicking himself over declining the khanship, came also to the Wang-khan and pledged his support against Jenghiz Khan. In 1203, the breach between Jenghiz Khan and the Wang-khan was complete. The Wang-khan first tried to assassinate Jenghiz Khan in reconciliation meetings and then in an ambush, but news of the plots leaked to Jenghiz Khan. Hastily, Jenghiz Khan made preparations for war. He was now on his own and could not rely on the backing of the Wang-khan to rally supporters. He first withdrew to the heights of Mao'undur, where he left a small outpost. Although warned of the enemy's approach by his mounted patrols, Jenghiz Khan experienced one of the most trying times of his career.

The clash was furious, by all accounts, and Jenghiz Khan's lieutenants - old Jurchedai-noyan and Quyildar-sechen performed marvels. Quyildar penetrated the enemy's lines and fulfilled his vow to plant his yak or horse-tail standard on the hill in the enemy's rear. Jurchedai wounded the Kerayit prince in the face with an arrow. Despite the bravery and accomplishments of his warriors, Jenghiz Khan was quite outnumbered by his foe and retreated during the night. His third son Ogodai and two of his most faithful officers, Bo'orchu and Boroqul failed to answer roll call the next day, but at last they reappeared, Boroqual mounted and holding in his arms Ogodai, who had been wounded in the neck by an arrow. At this sight, Jenghiz Khan is reported by the Secret History to have wept.

Jenghiz Khan was clearly having the worst of the battle, and he retreated along the Khalka in the direction of the Bor Nor. At the mouth of the Khalka at Bor Nor lived the Qongirat, the tribe from which Borte - Jenghiz Khan's wife, was born. Jenghiz Khan used his blood connections to rally the tribe to his cause and increase his numbers. It was at this time, that Jenghiz Khan sent a personal message to the Wang-khan, reminding him of his years of service and friendship. In his message, he desired nothing more to be restored to favor. The Sangun (prince) of Kerayit told his father that the message's only intention was to lull the Wang-khan into a false sense of security, at which some vile plot would be launched against him. The message also pointed out that it was Altan, and not Jenghiz Khan, who was responsible for Jenghiz Khan's khanship.

Jenghiz Khan would spend the summer of 1203 on the northern outskirts of Mongolia on the Baljuna, where it is said, he and his followers drank from muddied waters. These followers, at the time they numbered very few, would later be richly rewarded. Once again, the enemies of Jenghiz Khan disintegrated of their own accord, for they only knew of seasonal alliances. Almost immediately, the Daritai, Quchar, Altan, and Jamuqa joined in plot to assassinate the aging Wang-khan. The plot was foiled, and the conspirators were scattered into the Naiman, while Daritai made his submission to Jenghiz Khan. Therefore, by the Autumn, Jenghiz Khan's position had completely reversed, and he resumed his offensive from Bljuna to the Onon. Jenghiz Khan used his brother Qasar to send false messages of negotiations to the Wang-khan, to which the Wang-khan sent 'blood in the horn of an ox' for use at the swearing of the oath. At that same moment, Jenghiz Khan used a secret march to fall upon the Kerayit army and utterly rout them. Togrul and his son fled westward, but Togrul was killed by a Naiman officer named Qorisu-baki, who failed to recognize him, and the Sangun led a brigand's life among the Gobi.

The Kerayit people made submission to Jenghiz Khan. Nevertheless, Jenghiz Khan scattered them to be absorbed by his other tribes, to make sure no trouble was made. He now turned his attention toward the unification of all of Mongolia. Only the Naiman stood in his way.

Jenghiz Khan unifies Mongolia

The Naiman, under their king or Tayang, still held the western Mongolia, while Jenghiz Khan held the east. All of the Jenghiz Khan's enemies instinctually joined the Naiman. Jamuqa the Jajirat chief, Toqto'a-baki the Markit chief, and Qutuqa-baki the Oirat chief were among the powerful enemy tribes (besides the Naiman), and the remnants of of the Dorben, Qatakin, Salji'ut, and Tatars now prepared for war with Jenghiz Khan. These allies sought the help of the Ongut chief Alaqush-tigin to flank Jenghiz Khan, but instead, he joined Jenghiz Khan. Although several of his generals and lieutenants warned that his horses were too thin to make an attack at a major assembly in the spring of 1204, Jenghiz Khan's youngest brother Temuge and their uncle Daritai-noyan were in favor of a sudden attack. Depending on which historical source you read, Jenghiz Khan either took the former or latter's advice and met the allies at Khangai. The Naiman Tayang was thinking of withdrawing behind the Altai mountain, as to exhaust the Jenghiz Khanite army with marches, but his lieutenant Qorisu-bachi shamed him out of such caution. Infuriated by his taunts, the Tayang gave the order to attack.

The fighting was fierce, but Qasar, Jenghiz Khan's brother, showed himself to be an incredible leader. By evening the Mongols were the victors. It is said that the Tayang asked of his followers:

"Who are these who pursue us as wolves pursue a flock?"
Jamuqa replies,"They are the four hunting dogs of my brother Temujin. They are fed on human flesh and leashed with an iron chain; their skulls are of brass, their teeth are hewn from rock, their tongues are like swords, and their hearts are of iron. Instead of whips they have curved sabers; they quench their thirst with dew and gallop with the wind; in battle they devour human flesh. Now here they are unchained, their jaws slaver, they rejoice. These four hounds are Jebe, Kublai, Jelme, Subotai!"
The Tayang asks once more, "Who is that in the rear, speeding forward like a hungry hawk?"
"It is my anda (sworn brother) Temujin, wearing a coat of iron. You said that when the Mongol came you would devour him as you would devour a lamb, and leave no rag of flesh. An now...!"

The Mongol tale goes on to tell of the Tayang remaining on the ground, bleeding to death, and his followers frantically trying to get him to lead. Qorisu-baki cried to him that his wives and mother Gurbesu were awaiting him in his tent, but the old man remained on the ground. Then, Qorisu-bachi led the remainder of his men down the hill again to fight and die in one last stand. Jenghiz Khan admired their courage and would have spared them, but they refused to surrender, and thus perished at the foot of the hill. Kuchlug, the Tayang's son, was able to flee with some of his people in the direction of Irtysh, but the remainder of the Naiman made their submission to Jenghiz Khan. The Markit chief Toqto'a-baki followed Kuchlug, and his chieftain Dayir Usun surrendered of his own accord, and even offered his daughter, the lovely Qulan, to Jenghiz Khan in marriage. The men under Kuchlug, including Jamuqa, continued to hold out near the Siberian Altai mountains, but all four men fell, one after another. Buyiruq was surprised while hunting near the Ulu-Tau by Jenghiz-Khanite squadrons in 1206. Jenghiz Khan himself led the eradication effort afterward, forcing the Oirat chief Qutuqa-baki to surrender and act as a guide. At about this time, Jenghiz Khan summoned a great gathering, known as quriltai, of all Turko Mongols and pronounced himself supreme khan (or khagan) of all of Mongolia. Kuchlug and Toqto'a were attacked on the banks of the Irtysh and routed. Toqto'a died in battle and Kuchlug succeeded in reaching the Kara-Khitai empire. Jamuqa was given a 'prince's death' because of his anda relationship with Jenghiz Khan. None of his blood was shed, and he more than likely was allowed to drink poison. The last of the Markit bands were crushed soon afterward by Subotai. Lastly, the Kirghiz of the upper Yenisei submitted in 1207 without fighting. Thus, by 1208, Jenghiz Khan had subjugated the whole of Mongolia. After the defeat of the Naiman in 1204, the Tayang's keeper of the seal, T'a-t'a-t'unga-a, an Uigur, entered Jenghiz Khan's service when he fell into the hands of the Mongols. This new employee would form the core of the Mongol chancellery, with Uigur "bureaus". He would teach the Mongols how to write and read Uigur and develop a more civilized, respectable world power.

Emperor Jenghiz Khan

During the quriltai of 1206, Jenghiz Khan did two main things: he proclaimed himself khagan of Mongolia, and he combined all of Mongolia's tribes (he specifically said 'all those who live in felt tents' which was far more encompassing) into one nation - Mongolia. This statement meant that there was no longer a distinction between Turks and Mongols, as there had been since time recorded. 'All those who live in felt tents' were Mongols and conquered as Mongols.

Another interesting side story to come out of the quriltai of 1206 revolved around the shaman Kokchu (also known as Tab-tangri). Kokchu's father, the shaman Munglik, had been an important figure in Temujin's life and was even rumored to have married Oelun-eke, Temujin's widowed mother, long after she had been widowed by poisoning. At the time of the quriltai, Kokchu was one of the most feared shamans in all of Mongolia. He was rumored to have regularly ascended to heaven on a dapple-gray horse to converse with the spirits, and such beliefs caused him to be held in somewhat of a super-superstitious fear. Kokchu played somewhat of an important role in the solidification of Jenghiz Khan as khagan of Mongolia. During the quriltai, Kokchu came forth and declared to those gathered that the Eternal Blue Heaven had appointed Jenghiz Khan to be universal khagan. With this celestial blessing, Jenghiz Khan had the military and divine right to properly declare himself emperor of Mongolia and further solidify his rule, but Kokchu's role did not stop here.

Kokchu became increasingly insolent, partly due to his magical gifts and partly due to his father's repute with the imperial family. Within months of the inauguration of the khagan, Kokchu began planning the manipulation of the emperor and empire through magical and political means. The first instance of this showed after a quarrel between Kokchu and Qasar, the khagan's brother. After some scheming, Kokchu approached Jenghiz Khan with an evil portent of how the heavens told him that Qasar would rule after Jenghiz and not one of Jenghiz's sons. This portent got Jenghiz Khan's head spinning and he had his brother arrested and deprived of all command. Their mother, however, pleaded for the release of Qasar, citing his good deeds and showing Jenghiz Khan that Qasar had been nothing but a good, faithful brother.

His first plan shot down, Kokchu now went after the youngest of the brothers, insulting him in public. Borte, Jenghiz's wife, warned her husband, "If even during your lifetime your brothers are open to insult, after your death the people will rise against your sons!" Jenghiz Khan understood his wife's words and let Temuge rid himself of the meddlesome magician. Three days later, three guards under the direction of Temuge and with the full authority of the great khagan took Kokchu out of the royal tent and broke his spine. Upon hearing of his son's death, Munglik sought the khagan and pledged his loyalty. "I served you, O khagan, long before your accession, and I shall continue to serve you..."

In Kokchu's place, Jenghiz Khan appointed Usun of the white horse and white robe, eldest member of the Ba'arin tribe, who turned out to be a great and tranquil shaman baki. I'll leave it to Rene Grousset to point out the importance of this event (in a very dry humor kind of way):

"Thus beneath two felt tents on the plains had surged a virtual conflict between Church and State, between magician and grand khan. The struggle, however, came to an abrupt end when the grand khan literally broke the back of the sorceror."

You might think that such a clash could disturb the religious foundations of the Mongol empire, but nothing could be further from the truth. The Mongols were an extremely religious and superstitious people, who at the time of Jenghiz Khan were extremely gracious to anyone they considered 'magical'. This included Nestorian priests, Buddhist monks, Taoist magicians, Tibetan lamas, Franciscan missionaries, and Muslim mullahs. This official Mongol good will and superstitious fear towards men of faith bred a religious tolerance into the Mongols that is unparalled in any government since (even the United States' government practices certain privileges towards Christianity, but that is a topic for another story). Because of the khagan's religious foundations, the Mongols' superstitions also pretty much guaranteed the rule of the khagan, and the results of this Mongol discipline amazed most western travelers. Piano Carpini, the Franciscan, noted on returning from Mongolia:

"The Tartars-that is, the Mongols-are the most obedient people in the world in regard to their leaders, more so even than our own clergy to their superiors. They hold them in the greatest reverence and never tell them a lie. There are no wranglings among them, no disputes, no murders. Only petty thefts occur. Should one of them lose any of his animals, the finder never keeps them, and may even return them to their owner. Their wives are very chaste, even when they make merry."

Many scholars believe that because of the superstitious fears and laws enacted by Jenghiz Khan, the Mongolia of that day was one of the most peaceful and lawful societies in history. These laws were kept in place even when Mongolia stretched from China to Persia, and resulted in a society where one could travel from Bangkok to Alexandria without need of an armed escort.

The Mongolian Army and Society

Before we go further into the conquering, now would be a good time to talk about the Mongolian Army and the new Jenghiz Khanite social structure. At the army's head was the family of Jenghiz Khan, or the 'golden family' (altan uruk), whose head was the grand khan or khagan and whose princes were the grand khan's sons (kobegun). The golden family ultimately owned everything that the Mongols conquered. Underneath the golden family came the braves (ba'atut), chiefs (noyan), warriors or faithful men (nokud), commoners or plebeians (arad or qarachu), and serfs, who theoretically were of non-Mongolian. This hierarchy was linked by a hereditary bond of personal loyalty. In other words, the son who inherited the chief title would be loyally bound to the brave and the loyal family. Commoners or plebians could be bound to nokud, noyan, ba'atut, kobegun, and altan uruk.

This same 'steppe aristocracy' and bond of loyalty was extended into the army among the captains of tens, hundreds, and thousands. A commoner or warrior could be a captain of tens, but theoretically, the commanders of hundreds+ must come from the noyan and higher. Commoners and warriors could only enter the noyan through merit in battle (not trade or community status unless personally selected by the golden family).

The standing army of Mongolia was 129,000 men. The left wing (usually the hammer of the army) consisted of 62,000 men, the right wing had 38,000, and the rest was distributed to the center and reserves. The army was deployed in three wings according to Mongolian orientation (facing south). Rene Grousset points out that this direction corresponded to Mongol objectives - China, Turkestan and eastern Iran, and the Russian Steppe. As an army always wants its back facing the supply line, and usually that corresponds to the army's homeland, Grousset's observations make sense.

Other than the standing army, the Mongols had an elite guard (kashik) of 10,000 that was composed entirely of privileged freemen or persons of noble birth. Being in the kashik was the most highly respected position in the army (other than the golden family) and was generally the first place a khagan would go to find an officer. How important was it for a noble to be in the kashik? Well, a private soldier in the kashik outranked and could thus override the decision of a captain of a thousand in the rest of the army. The guard itself was divided into four sections: the soldiers of the guard (kashiktan), day guards (turgha'ut), night guards (kabta'ut) and the qorchin or 'quiver bearers', those who were considered the best archers in Mongolia. The day guards generally numbered 1,000, the night guards 800 to 1,000, and the qorchin 400 to 1,000.

What did the Mongolian soldier look like? Here's a description by Fernand Grenard, Jenghiz Khan's historian:

"In camp the soldier wears a fur cap with ear flaps, felt stockings, boots, and a pelisse reaching below his knees. In battle he dons a leather helmet covering the nape of his neck and a strong, flexible cuirass made of strips of leather lacquered black. His offensive weapons consist of two bows and two quivers, a curved saber, a hatchet, and an iron mace suspended from his saddle, a lance furnished with a hook for unseating enemy horsemen, and a horsehair rope with a running noose."

That was one well-armed fighting machine, and that only applied to common soldiers (imagine what nobles could equip). Let's contrast the Mongolian warrior to a common English soldier (or any European nation) of the time period. The common English soldier was given a broad sword or a short sword and very little training. The common Mongolian warrior was trained his whole life how to use each of his cruel weapons. The common English soldier usually came to battle with the clothes he left his serfdom in; armor was reserved for higher ranking soldiers. I believe the mentality of this was that peasants weren't worth the cost of the armor or weaponry, and such costs should only be reserved for the thousands of knights and freemen. This mismatch would prove costly for the world in the time to come.

Did I mention that each of these soldiers was mounted? Oh yes, the Mongolian Army was one huge cavalry. The Mongolian horse was small and stocky, without grace, but with its dense coat, fiery spirit, vigor, endurance, steadiness, and sureness of foot, the Mongolian charger was considered the finest war horse in the world. Many historians have noted that this charger matched the Mongolian or Hunnic rider very well, and that these superior chargers were the reasons for the Hunnic conquests of China and Rome. Another reason was because the Mongols and Huns were the world's most talented mounted archers. The common Mongolian horseman could accurately shoot an arrow at over 400 yards. Such are the benefits of a man raised as a mounted archer from birth.

Mongolian Tactics

"In daylight, watch with the vigilance of an old wolf, at night with the eyes of the raven. In battle, fall upon the enemy like a falcon."
Jenghiz Khan

Having a highly mobile army had its advantages; the entire army could easily perform reconnaisance and raids, could practically never be outflanked, and could cover distances in one day that most armies couldn't perform in one week. The Mongols (and their Hunnic ancestors) were masters of the double envelope: enveloping both flanks of your enemy. If an army stood its ground, the Mongols would disperse as a band of marauders would. If the defending army gave chase, they would be led into an ambush, usually finishing off the enemy with a cavalry saber charge. The Mongolian commander's were considered to be geniuses by most historians, and they were known to utilize every trick and ruse in the book on the open battlefield. The Mongols preferred not to engage in hand-to-hand combat, always preferring to down their opponents with arrows, usually in waves that fell behind waves as the enemy attacked until the enemy's ranks grew so thin that a counter saber charge was in order.

The Mongols might have been gods of war on the open field and forest, but they did lack in practically all forms of naval and siege battles. Simply put, neither of these types of warfare were suited for the nomadic life of the barbarian steppe. The Huns and Mongols of the Russian Steppe were experts in raids and guerrilla tactics. They had no time for standing behind a wall and waiting for an enemy to face them. They had places to go and villages to burn and plunder.

This may seem like unfair stereotyping, but I can assure that it is not. Throughout the Mongolian conquests, there was a constant flux between captured and regained territory. One of the many problems that plagued the Mongolian conquerors was the sad fact that they were nomadic raiders who could not settle down. This was an especial problem in China. Jenghiz Khan's generals would sometimes capture a city three or four times only to retreat in order to carry their booty back home, giving the enemy ample time to reoccupy the cities, reorganize their armies, and refortify their positions. Thus, the Mongol frontier was in constant flux, expanding and contracting along with the seasons. At least initially, the Mongols simply could not stay in one place for too long. The problem was double edged, because once the Mongols did settle down (long after the days of Kublai), their armies and leaders ceased to have that nomadic edge that made them such excellent warriors: a major reason for the downfall of the Mongolian Empire.

The Conquest of Northern China

The first outward agression by the Mongols was directed at the Hsi-Hsia, a kingdom of 'civilized' Tibetan hordes in northern China (in and around the Kansu, Alashan, and Ordos territories). At the time (1205 A.D.), the Hsi-Hsia was one of three states that ruled over China and was the weakest of the three dynasties. The Mongols did not really win any impressive battles during their campaign, and in fact could not successfully lay siege on the Hsi-Hsia capitals of Ningsia and Lingchow. Nonetheless, in 1207, the Hsi-Hsia king Li An-ch'uan acknowledged himself a tributary due to the rampant looting and devestation the Mongols caused elsewhere in his nation. Jenghiz Khan would invade the Hsi-Hsia once more in 1209 and receive one of the king's daughters in return for peace. This new vassalage and short military venture was very beneficial for the Mongols, for this submission would give the Mongols the road to Turkestan and isolate their next target, the Kin empire of China.

The Kin king Ma-ta-ku died in 1208, and a new, incapable successor, Chung-hei ascended to the throne. If you remember, Jenghiz Khan had received a modest Chinese title from the old king for helping in the destruction of the Tatars. The new king ordered Jenghiz Khan to receive the proclamation of his master's accession on his knees. Suffice to say that Jenghiz Khan was a little upset.

"Is an imbecile like Chung-hei worthy of the throne, and am I to humble myself before him?"

Then, spitting towards the south, he turned to face his next opponent. The Kin had some reason to be confident. They were supposedly protected from invading mauraders like Jenghiz Khan by the Great Wall. However, the Great Wall was defended on the northern approaches by the Ongut, then under Alaqush-tigin, a Mongol ally. Their help in opening the invasion routes was rewarded by giving Po-yao-ho, son of Alaqush, Alaghai-baki, one of Jenghiz Khan's daughters. Before launching the attack, Jenghiz Khan made the conflict into a national war.

"O Eternal Heaven! I have armed myself to avenge the blood of my uncles Okin-barqaq and Ambaqai, whom the Kin put to an ignominious death. If you approve of what I do, lend me from on high the succor of your arm!"

Jenghiz Khan also enlisted the support of the Khitan by presenting himself as the avenger of the Khitan dynasty, who had been ousted from Peking by the Kin. The Khitan dynasty welcomed the Mongolian cause and in 1212, a Khitan prince, Ye-lu Lu-ko, raised his banner in allegiance to Jenghiz Khan. Jenghiz Khan sent the prince his best general, Jebe the arrow, and a large army, which was able to capture Liaoyang from the Kin in 1213. Up to his death in 1220, Ye-lu Lu-ko would remain one of Jenghiz Khan's most trusted allies, and a valuable northeastern pressure that would keep the Kin in a pincer. The struggle with the Kin would be a long one, ending in 1234, seven years after Jenghiz Khan's death, and over 20 years since the beginning of Mongolian agression.

The Mongolian invasion of Northern China was the khagan's first real taste of fighting sedentary peoples. The Mongols would prove themselves again and again to be incapable of capturing fortresses, and when perchance they happened upon a ripe, undefended fortress, they massacred the inhabitants (if anyone fought back) and retreated with their booty (instead of using the fortress to expand their kingdom).

1211 and 1212 saw the systematic devastation of the frontier districts of the Tatung region in the extreme north of Shansi and of the region of Suanhwa and Paoan in northern Hopei. The country was laid waste, but most fortresses held fast. As mentioned earlier, Jebe as able to capture Liaoyang by a ruse, but the army under Jenghiz Khan was completely unable to capture Tatung. Added to this disappointment was the fact that the Mongols could not keep up a regular, effective siege of Peking, the hub of the Kin empire. In 1213, after finally conquering Suanhwa, Jenghiz Khan divided his troops into three corps (pronounced core, for those unfamiliar). Jenghiz Khan's sons Jochi, Jagatai, and Ogodai led their detachment, penetrating central Shansi, and even taking Taiyuan and Pingyang, only to retreat back home with their spoils. The center army, led by Jenghiz Khan and his youngest son Tolui, advanced down the plain of Hopei, siezing Hokien, Shantung, and Tsinan. From records of the time, it seems that only three fortified cities (Peking, Chengting, and Hopei) seem to have escaped this central armies onslaught, which continued to the southern limits of Shantung. Last, Qasar and Temuge led their corps along the Gulf of Chihli toward Yungping and Liaosi.

In 1214, Jenghiz Khan regrouped his three corps before Peking with the object of raising a blockade. At the same time, the treachery of Kin general Hu-sha-hu resulted in the assassination of Kin ruler Chung-hei. In Chung-hei's place, was inserted another incompetent ruler Wu-tu-pu, the victim's nephew. Despite this new ruler's incompetence, Jenghiz Khan still had no effective tools for siege warfare. Knowing this, Jenghiz Khan accepted a peace proposal from the new Kin ruler: a proposal the Kin paid for dearly. The Kin paid an enormous war indemnity - gold, silk, three thousand horses, peasants and nobles, and even a Jurchid princess for Jenghiz Khan himsel.

The khagan again took the road home to Mongolia, but he would turn back around in the country of Kalgan. Jenghiz Khan had received an unusual message; the new Kin ruler had abandoned Peking and moved the capital to Kaifeng. Believing this to be a sign that the Kin were to resume the war, and temporarily relocating their capital to a safer spot, Jenghiz Khan broke the truce, and besieged the city of Peking. A reinforcement army was sent by the Kin with provisions, but the army was routed and dispersed at Pachow. In dispair, the governor of Peking committed suicide. The Mongols entered the city, massacred its inhabitants, pillaged the buildings, and set the whole city on fire in 1215. The siege had lasted one month.

The Mongols once again impressed their barbarism on the civilized world. They understood nothing of civilization and its benefits, nor did they truly care at the time. They slaughtered because the city of Peking had resisted. They slaughtered because they had won. They slaughtered because they simply didn't really know what else to do.

Among the spared prisoners of the siege of Peking was Ye-lu Ch'u-ts'ai, a Khitan prince. Ye-lu imressed the khagan "by his tall stature and handsome beard, his wisdom, and the impressive sound of his voice. Jenghiz Khan would appoint Ye-lu his counselor, and a more beneficial choice would have been hard to find. T'a-t'a-t'ung-a might have given the Mongols written language, but Ye-lu Ch'u-ts'ai would bring them elements of administration and political life as practiced in sedentary civilizations.

By 1216, the Kin empire would be bottled up in the province of Honan and certain fortified places in Shensi, but as will be explained later, Jenghiz Khan would leave his enemies to fight in the west. The Kin began to reclaim their land, and by 1217 had almost regained all fortresses (less Peking) from the pre-1215 days. However, Jenghiz Khan had left one of his most able generals (Muqali) in control of some 46,000 men (23,000 Mongols and an equal number of native auxiliaries) to reclaim the territory. Muqali, although incredibly outnumbered would achieve considerable success through boldness, tenacity, and good planning. After seven years of fighting (1217-1223), Muqali succeeded in confining the Kin once more to the Honan province. In 1217, he captured Taming, a citadel that had once withstood Jenghiz Khan himself. He recaptured the capitals of Shansi, Taiyuan, and Pingyang from the Kin in 1218. In 1220, he retook Tsinan, the capital of Shantung. One of his lieutenants captured Changteh in the same year. 1221 saw the capture of a number of towns in northern Shensi, among them Paoan and Fuchow, and in 1222 the prize of Changan lie in Mongol possession. The fortress of Hochung was captured in 1223, but the Kin immediately reclaimed it with a surprise attack. Legend says that Muqali died there, in the southwest corner of Shansi at the bend of the Yellow River, from exhaustion. After the death of Muqali, the conflict with the Kin degenerated into a fluctuating siege war, with the Mongols finally employing Chinese engineers and siege methodologies to effectively wage siege warfare.

To be continued...

Sources

This article is a compilation of research and writings from:

Empire of the Steppes a History of Central Asia by Rene Grousset

but has been modified by the author for readability. If you would like an even more in-depth look at Mongolian history, pick up a copy of this wonderful book.

Still looking for more info?

Try Genghis Khan on the Web, an annotated web directory to Jenghiz (Genghis) Khan, maintained by Tim Spalding. Genghis Khan on the Web is an excellent repository of Jenghiz Khan related information, movies, and material.